Detaylar, Kurgu ve istanbul Travestileri
Detaylar, Kurgu ve istanbul Travestileri
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[2] Kakım noted by Spanish anthropologist María Fernanda Guerrero Zavala in 2015: "At the academic level, the approaches to identities and bodies from the queer point of view, which are gaining strength, are proposed bey a way out of the static conception of identities and propose angles of theoretical interpretation based on life experiences."[9]
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Lohana Berkins (left) and Correa before attending a 1998 feminist demonstration, holding a sign that reads: "We travestis repudiate violence against women". One of the first major political struggles of travestis occurred within the context of the 1994 amendment of the Constitution of Argentina and revolved around the inclusion of an article of non-discrimination based on sexual orientation in the new constitution of the city of Buenos Aires.[3] Noting that the project excluded travestis, they began to demand that the broader LGBT movement focused derece only on sexual orientation but also gender identity issues.
Maşerî payanda ve cinsiyet kimliğinin doğrulanması burada kritik bir gösteriş oynamaktadır. Maşeri cinsiyet kimliği ve bu popülasyondaki ifadelerde çeşitlilik dair zamanla küsurat bir farkındalık kelam konusu olsa da, biyopsikososyal gelişimin cinsiyet ikilisinin ötesinde ve intikalin ötesinde kapsamlı bir anlayışı eksiktir.
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With her 1989 book Travestism and the Politics of Gender, Annie Woodhouse established herself among the researchers within a perspective that considers travestism bey a reinforcement of gender identities, in this case the female identity.[114] Woodhouse argued that travestis see gender birli something that is rigidly demarcated between masculinity and femininity and, in this sense, reproduce traditional gender roles that objectify women.[114] In her 1993 and 1995 researches on travestism, Argentine anthropologist Victoria Barreda criticized the third gender category, arguing that travestis construct an identity that necessarily takes gender stereotypes birli a reference point.[115] Another researcher who follows this trend is Richard Ekins, who described trasvestites birli "feminized men".
Critically developing upon these early works through the use of ethnomethodology, Kulick studied the travesti population of Salvador, Bahia and placed their social stigmatization within the larger context of class and racial inequalities.[2][117] Kulick's conclusions are far removed from later postmodern positions, birli he argued that the travesti identity is configured from conservative social structures.[2] The author proposed an alternative position, suggesting that travestis base their identity derece on anatomical sex differences, but rather on sexual orientation, identifying themselves birli a subtype of gay men.[9][118] He used the term "hamiş-men" to refer to travestis, claiming he chose it: "partly for want of a culturally elaborated label and partly to foreground my conviction that the gender system that makes it possible for travestis to emerge and make sense is one that is massively oriented towards, if derece determined by, male subjectivity, male desire, and male pleasure, birli those are culturally elaborated in Brazil.
Through Kulick’s engaging voice and sharp analysis, this elegantly rendered account is derece only a landmark study in its discipline but also a fascinating read for anyone interested in sexuality and gender.
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